Saturday, September 25, 2021

The State and Tools of Statecraft

     Positive engagement and negative sanctions both influence other states to change their behavior through economic statecraft.  The difference is that positive engagement uses incentives to reinforce behaviors that are beneficial to the host state, while negative sanctions involve placing restrictions on behaviors that aren't (Mingst, McKibben, Arreguin-Toft, 160-161).  Incentives for positive engagement include trading privileges, military equipment, corporate investments or tax breaks, and lower tariff rates.  Negative sanctions include higher tariff rates, freezing state assets, arms embargos, and banning exports and/or imports to/from the country being punished.  The premise borrows heavily from psychologist B.F. Skinner's theory of behaviorism, extending it from the individual to the international stage: rewards reinforce positive behavior while punishment discourages negative behavior.

    For the most part, only states with higher power potential are able to use economic statecraft to influence international relations.  This is because they often have the natural resources, wealth, and productivity to bargain or threaten other nations with negative sanctions.  Some liberals however believe that countries with lower power potential have some leverage in economic statecraft.  For example, when Middle Eastern countries put oil sanctions on the U.S. in 1974, it drove up gas prices and hurt the economy (Mingst, McKibben, Arreguin-Toft, 162).  This is a good example of the importance of negative sanctions, illustrating how they can be useful in economic statecraft.  However, studies have shown that sanctions are only effective 22% of the time (Mingst, McKibben, Arreguin-Toft, 163).  Positive engagement is also useful because it has been proven to influence foreign behavior.  When the U.S. offered insurance to U.S. companies willing to invest in post-apartheid South Africa, it helped their economy and sent the message that the U.S. was willing engage economically so long as South Africa took actions to prevent apartheid from happening again.

    When it comes to foreign policy decision making, realists use the rational model, which identifies the goals and alternatives of decisions, weighing the costs and benefits of each.  The outcome will ideally produce the best result at the lowest cost (Mingst, McKibben, Arreguin-Toft, 167).  Organizations and bureaucracies make up one model of the liberal view.  Decisions are negotiated upon, based on their value to the groups involved.  They ultimately depend on the relative strength of the organization or bureacracy represented (Mingst, McKibben, Arreguin-Toft, 169).  Another face of the liberal view is the pluralist model, where various societal groups compete for domestic decisions, including interest groups, multinational corporations, public opinion, and mass movements (Mingst, McKibben, Arreguin-Toft, 168).

    The liberal models are similar in that they are inherently domestic, thus taking a long time to process.  They are also more available to larger countries that involve democratic processes.  They are most appropriately used when evaluating decisions that influence domestic social groups.  In times of crisis though, the rational model is more appropriate to use because there may not be enough time for all the lobbying that social groups bring to the table.

    Globalization is arguably the most important challenge to the state in today's world.  In the past, countries were far more isolated than they are today.  It was easier to ascribe every state's behavior to one of the theories or models of foreign policy.  In today's world, boundaries are becoming less defined.  Revolutions in trade, communication, and transportation have accelerated the diffusion of politics, economics, and culture between states (Mingst, McKibben, Arreguin-Toft, 174-175).  The Internet has only been around for about 30 years, yet it has probably played the biggest role in accelerating globalization.

    The challenge for states is to balance an increasingly globalized world with their own national identity.  International conflicts must be recognized by the state in order to keep its autonomy, and the state must find a way to compromise its sovereignty without totally losing its identity.  For example, because the Covid-19 outbreak was accelerated by globalization, each state reacted to it similarly.  Each state needed to protect its own citizens by initiating travel restrictions and making mask mandates.  But it also needed to make these sacrifices for the global community, because if states did nothing collectively to stop the spread of the virus, it would have infected far more people than it already has.

Source: Mingst, K. A., McKibben, H. E., & ArreguĂ­n-Toft, I. M. (2018). Essentials of International Relations (Eighth Edition) (8th Edition). W. W. Norton.


Sunday, September 12, 2021

Freedom of Worship Theory Paper

Many of the liberties we have today are taken for granted.  Without an education in political history, it can be difficult to know how we earned our fundamental rights.  In the case of religious liberty, people generally want to have the right to practice any religion they wish.  If the state interferes with that right, it is a violation of negative liberty.  A union of religion and state also interferes with positive liberties regarding religion.  In this paper I will argue that the first amendment’s freedom of worship provision was a necessary step in securing both positive and negative liberties for all Americans. 

The separation of church and state was a contentious issue in colonial times.   Advocates for their union argued that “widespread religious faith was necessary to ensure a virtuous citizenry” (Gillman, Graber, and Whittington, 2021:40).  Prior to the Bill of Rights, western governments upheld laws that were seen as divinely ordained by God, usually through their connections to Biblical passages like the Ten Commandments or the gospels.  Some colonial states paid for religious operations; their laws required people to worship the Christian God and exercise behavior that was consistent with Christian virtues.  Some people were even taxed to support the church in their local community. 

Advocates for separation of church and state espoused religious tolerance and the absence of state interference in their vision.  They did not believe states should be able to collect taxes for religious operations, or that religion and government were incorruptible together.  John Dickinson, one of the founding fathers, wrote in 1768: “By mixing them together, feuds, animosities and persecutions have been raised, which have deluged the World in Blood, and disgraced human Nature” (John Dickinson, 1768:60-61).  Statements like these reflected the general mood for separation at the time.  The consensus among the founding fathers was that religion and government were mutually corrupt when they operated together, leading to the Establishment Clause being inserted into the first amendment of the Bill of Rights. 

An example of how separation is regulated in the U.S. is the fact that the American people are not taxed to maintain religious establishments.  In colonial times this was not the case, as nine out of thirteen colonies taxed citizens to support houses of worship (Green, 2021).  If the American government collected funds to support houses of worship, this would mean they were effectively establishing a state religion, because taxpayer dollars would have to be redirected into supporting them.  This would be like forcing a Christian to pay for a mosque in the local community, something that is not in the best interest of the Christian and is a violation of their right to worship. 

In his landmark 1958 paper, Irving Berlin introduced two types of liberty: negative and positive.  Negative liberties are those in which an individual has freedom from outside interferences; positive liberties are those freedoms which individuals can act upon their own will (Berlin, 1958:2-8).  When religion and the state exercise joint power over the citizenry, this is a violation of negative liberty because the state has interfered with the innate right to worship.  Positive liberty can also be infringed if the state has not done enough to support the citizen’s will to worship a religion of their choosing.  According to Berlin (1958:8), the citizen wishes to make decisions that “depend on myself, not on external forces of whatever kind”.  An external force (the state) would be violating positive liberty if it forced the citizen to practice a religion they did not believe in, which includes an oath of office requiring the state’s mandate. 

I believe the way separation of church and state is regulated is a fair and just representation of both qualities of liberty.  I will first elucidate this by deferring to reason.  John Locke, in his Letter Concerning Toleration (1689), pointed out that if a religion happened to encourage something unlawful, like sacrificing a cow (much less, a human), the magistrate should not be obligated to side with religion over the law, for most people would view any type of sacrifice as a violent, useless act, whether they were religious or not (Gilman et al, 2021:44).  This would effectively give special rights to an entity that is above the law, which has no interest in the common liberty of a populace.  Interference by a state which forces people to pay taxes supporting an unlawful ritual is a clear violation of negative liberty. 

Another appeal to reason rests in the fact that very few religions openly command that they operate with any given political state.  The gospels themselves make no mention of establishing Christianity as a commonwealth (Gilman et al, 2021:44).  Locke (1689) described Jesus as tolerating all religions; therefore, the very idea of integrating it with a political state seemed ludicrous to many Enlightenment philosophers.  Giving state powers to a religious institution aroused the interpretation that at some point in history this institution got entangled with politics in ways that were never intended by the religion’s founders.  To some this was seen as an infraction on the liberty of believers, for many felt like the state should have nothing to do with the religion they practiced. 

My second point is that in colonial America, religious intolerance was so rampant that many negative and positive liberties were oppressed.  Minority religious sects were frequently persecuted for their beliefs (Gilman et al, 2021:46), sometimes ending in violence and death, as in the Salem Witch Trials.  In some colonies, laws were passed requiring everyone to attend church.  These were blatant interferences on negative liberty that the founding fathers sought to correct. 

Positive liberty was also oppressed by state laws regarding religion.  Many state constitutions required religious tests for those wanting to hold public office.  If an applicant failed the test, they were ineligible to hold it.  Article VI of the constitution was written to address this violation of liberty: “No religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States” (U.S. Const., art VI).  James Madison explained it more generally in his Memorial and Remonstrance against Religious Assessments: that by forcing religion on the populace, the majority is allowed to “trespass on the rights of the minority” (Gilman et al, 2021:101). 

Currently, positive liberties are not being violated in the United States’ regulation of this issue, but I believe they are in other nations.  We see this happening in the Middle East, where nations that are intimately tied with Islam, such as Iran and Afghanistan, have a poor civil rights record.  In the case of Taliban-led Afghanistan, women are particularly vulnerable, with other infringements on corporal punishment, expression, and education (Human Rights Watch, 2020).  Genocides involving religious groups with a political license to kill are still going on- recently with the Rohingya Muslims of Myanmar, where Buddhism is the state religion.  It goes to show how states that sponsor religion tend to have less regard for human rights than advocates like William Blackstone in the 18th century might have expected.  Blackstone thought that “all moral evidence, all confidence in human veracity, must be weakened by irreligion” (Gilman et al, 2021:41).  This is not the case when one considers all the possible ways in which state-sponsored religion devalues human rights, demonstrated by an increase in the violations stated above. 

Finally, I will stress the importance of how the separation of religion and state still allows for religious liberties in government settings.  Just because the government may not proclaim a state religion does not mean it must always act against religion.  Despite prohibitions against it, the government must be wary about encroaching on the positive liberties of believers.  Green (2021) points out that government “may acknowledge religious traditions and customs, use religious symbols and discourse in ecumenical ways, and financially assist activities of religious bodies that advance the commonwealth”.  Examples of positive liberties the government maintains for religious citizens include not discriminating against a religious charitable organization for tax purposes; recognizing Christmas as a federal holiday (FederalPay.org); and allowing communal expressions of faith.   

It is important to remember that the freedom to worship is not an attack on any specific religion.  It only means that some liberties for the majority faith must be sacrificed so the state to function better as a unit.  These are the same liberties that create violations of negative liberty for non-believers.  So long as negative liberties are not being violated, the state can uphold positive liberties for the majority faith.  Berlin’s theory is crucial in framing this because of the way rights are often compromised in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights.  Some rights were deliberately left vague by the writers, so that they could be debated or reinterpreted in future court settings that would require a new perspective due to shifting historical contexts.  There is often an interplay between negative and positive rights: a balance that must be maintained between them.  As in the above example, sometimes the positive liberties of a majority need to be sacrificed in order for the negative liberties of a minority to be respected.  Another example regarding religion is that the government may allow communal expressions of faith- a positive liberty- but it must also prohibit public school-sponsored religious expression in response to negative liberty.  Allowing religious expression in an educational setting would be considered interference from the government, yet allowing it in a communal setting, such as a legislative hall or football field, would not (Green, 2021).  

Our Constitution has many clauses that allow for debate on compromises like these.  In each compromise there seems to be a balance between positive and negative liberty, if not fully then at least partially.  John Locke saw the big picture when he wrote his Second Treatise on Government (1690), where he maintains that doctrines from a king endowed by divine right must be replaced a “social contract”, wherein all citizens and those in authority must make some compromises of their liberty to maintain order in society (Green, 2021).  Madison reiterated this in his Memorial and Remonstrance against Religious Assessments (1785).  His refutation of the attempt to install a state religion in Virginia involved a memorable statement: “The bill implies either that the Civil Magistrate is a competent Judge of Religious Truth; or that he many employ Religion as an engine of Civil policy.  The first is an arrogant pretension falsified by the contradictory opinions of Rulers in all ages.” (Gilman et al, 2021:101).  Here we see Madison restating Locke’s position on separation; that the divine right to pass judgments from authority figures is superseded by important elements of a democracy, including the social contract, the use of juries in deciding cases, and debate among written laws.  

The separation of church and state is one example of many where positive and negative liberties must be weighed in balance to secure civil rights for all Americans.  The freedom of worship was a crucial part of the first amendment because positive and negative liberties had been violated without it.  Positive liberties that can be violated under a religious state include removing the will to practice a desired religion; removing the freedom to express one’s religion; removing the freedom to be educated without religious intrusion; and the requirement of religious tests to hold public office, which could also be interpreted as a negative liberty.  Other negative liberties that can be violated include the interference of practicing one’s religion; the forcing of people to pay taxes supporting unlawful rituals; the interference of the state with religious identity (even when the state sponsors the same religion); and persecution for beliefs that often involve violence or, at worst: death and genocide.  For the most part, the Bill of Rights protects against negative liberties, so long as they are not causing harm to anyone.  When they do cause harm, the positive liberties of others are acknowledged to balance the equation, which is why we have amendments to certify changes in the Constitution.  That is how the framers of the Constitution intended it to be; their vagueness allowed for necessary debate on a range of issues, not the least of which is religious freedom.  The fact that no amendment has been written for freedom of worship is a testament to its strength as a primary right. 

 

References:  

Berlin, I.  1958. “Two Concepts of Liberty” In Isaiah Berlin (1969) Four Essays on Liberty.  Oxford: Oxford University Press. 

Gillman, Graber, and Whittington. 2021.  American Constitutionalism, Volume II: Rights and Liberties, 3rd Ed.  New York: Oxford University Press. 

Federalpay.org. 2021. “List of Federal Holidays.”  Retrieved Sep 16, 2017 (https://www.federalpay.org/holidays) 

Green, S.  2014. “The Separation of Church and State in the United States.”  Retrieved Sep 15, 2021 (https://oxfordre.com/americanhistory/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.001.0001/acrefore-9780199329175-e-29) 

Human Rights Watch.  2020.  Retrieved Sep 17, 2021 (https://www.hrw.org/report/2020/06/30/you-have-no-right-complain/education-social-restrictions-and-justice-taliban-held#) 

John Dickinson, Pennsylvania Journal, May 12, 1768, reprinted in The Founders on Religion, ed. James H. Huston (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), 60–61. 

Locke, John, 1632-1704. “A letter concerning toleration” Buffalo, New York: Prometheus Books. 

U.S. Constitution, Article VI. 

Friday, September 10, 2021

U.S. Diplomatic Relations

     The U.S. maintains diplomatic relations with foreign countries because it has become increasingly interdependent on them in a globalized society.  There are many benefits to having good diplomatic relations, including economic, strategic, and political ones.  Economically, foreign countries provide abundant settings for investors.  Cheap labor can be exported, while natural resources and foreign products can be imported based on trade negotiations.  Strategically, good diplomatic relations are important for maintaining alliances that help defend our people and our ideologies.  Politically, good relations are important in securing our position as the leading democracy in the world.  If we disrupt those relations, we are seen in a less positive light and do not set a good example for developing nations.

    The U.S. offers foreign assistance to countries overseas for many reasons.  Some of the biggest are ensuring that civil rights are being observed through the assistance of IGOs; securing stable locations for foreign investment and trade; and responding to constructivist expectations that reinforce our position as the premier democratic superpower.  Regional problems affect the global community in many ways, which the U.S. is not immune from.  Migration, climate change, war, famine, and disease are several examples where coordinated efforts in a foreign assistance can mitigate an international crisis, ultimately benefitting all nations, not just the U.S. Finally, humanitarian aid is a moral imperative we have, for the many millions of people living in poverty and other hardships (Nolan).  By showing we care and acting on it, we establish good leadership by encouraging peace and harmony.

    Some methods are effective; others are not.  Sanctions have shown some effectiveness, but not always (Trenin, 2015).  Tariffs are generally counterproductive because countries are free to negotiate elsewhere.  Negative punishments like these have a tendency to alienate other countries, generate distrust, and sow seeds of hostility.  Better methods are fair negotiations, foreign aid, accepting refugees, and setting a good example by following through on treaties.  The U.S. has not always done this, but in general our methods are effective because we still influence more countries than any other.

 

Nolan, Sara Nitz.  U.S. Foreign Assistance 101.  Interaction.org.  Retrieved November 25, 2021, https://www.interaction.org/aid-delivers/foreign-assistance-overview/u-s-foreign-assistance-101/

Trenin, Dmitri.  2015.  How Effective are Economic Sanctions?  Retrieved November 25, 2021, https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2015/02/how-effective-are-economic-sanctions/

Friday, September 3, 2021

City Makeovers: Redesigning Streets in the Motor Age

The transformation of streets after the rise of automobiles is a forgotten story, swept under the rug from popular consciousness.  Prior to automobiles, streets were safe for pedestrians to walk on without having to look over their shoulder.  They were far less crowded than they are today: open public paths that were every bit as inviting as trails in a park.  Most people were content with that simple infrastructure.  If someone needed to get somewhere farther than they could walk, all they had to do was hop on a railway line. 

As automobiles became more affordable, the wealthy and the elites benefited most from the increased efficiency they provided.  They could get to important places faster, creating more opportunities to save time, thus obtaining even more wealth than they already had.  Other groups who benefited were city planners, engineers; and of course, those in the auto industry, collectively known as motordom (Norton, 2).  All these groups were in high demand as cities remodeled their streets to make them more automobile friendly. 

Social groups who did not benefit were police officers and pedestrians- notably children, who suffered most from the arrival of cars.  Not only were children more likely to be struck by often fatal accidents, but they were forced to play away from the streets after it became evident that the danger posed by automobiles was too great.  A lack of initial legislation on vehicular-pedestrian relations made it easier for drivers to engage in more reckless driving than we see today, posing an elevated risk for pedestrians.  Police were also adversely affected by the arrival of automobiles (Norton, 4), for they’d been used to keeping order on a street system that did not involve cars.  Vehicular incidents posed a new set of problems for officers who’d been used to patrolling the streets without them.   

Automobiles were seen as an intrusion by these groups, and for good reason.  Since pedestrians comprised the largest social group at the time, the majority of people felt threatened by the first major advance of new technology in the 20th century.  In the early 1920s, many of them could not afford automobiles.  They were scarce enough that only those with the means to purchase them were driving in the streets.  Yet these were the same people who exercised the most power in local politics.  “Motordom… had effective rhetorical weapons, growing local organization, a favorable political climate, substantial wealth, and the sympathy of a growing minority of city motorists” (Norton, 17).  Their wealth may have afforded them better lawyers to assist against prosecution, not to mention donations for organizations that would strengthen the automobile industry. 

This upper-class affront on the public interest was enough to demonstrate how technology, in all its wonderful yet threatening formations, gradually persuades the lower classes that they need to adapt to changes that leave them initially disadvantaged.  The social pressure to adapt to changes brought by technology can be seen as a form of favoritism, as those with power are more easily persuaded by those with cash than those who don’t have it, jumpstarting major infrastructure changes that favor the wealthy.  The interpretation that money is power rings true.  Those who can afford the newest machines inadvertently widen the gap between income classes, as their new assets create more spaces for capital.  It’s an invisible force lurking in our infrastructure, linked by the first people who buy such amazing trendsetters in technology, chaining society to their purchases like pathfinders exploring new lands to settle. 

The development of streets indirectly demonstrated injustice at those social groups who were victims of this favoritism.  But over time, as more people in the middle and lower classes could afford automobiles, the balance shifted.  Things became fairer as the new technology became more affordable.  It could be argued that if new technology were accessible to all, whether from government assistance or by laws that reduce private ownership until proper infrastructure is built, the problems posed by developments like this wouldn’t occur.  True equality, as the 14th amendment of the U.S. suggests, would involve the means to obtaining the same advantageous technology as others, lest one social group subject another to the dangerous impacts of (some) new development, such as automobiles in the Motor Age. 

Automobile technology ultimately made it easier for all social groups to get around.  As people could travel farther and reach places faster, it opened up time for them to do other things.  People didn’t have to feel crowded on railway lines anymore: or walk the streets in inclement weather.  There was less chance of illness, both when you consider viral disease transmission on crowded streets and railways, and protection from the elements.  But it can also be said that the technology created more problems than it solved.  For instance, it wasn’t until after the increased dangers posed by automobiles that a new crime was socially constructed, called jaywalking. Jaywalking was not a crime prior to the 1930s, and many were not even familiar with the term in 1920 when vehicles were on the rise (Norton, 5).  Another problem it created was automobile accidents, which is one of the leading causes of death among teens and young adults (C.D.C.).  Other problems were those of increased bureaucracy, safety reforms, noise pollution, and air pollution- a lesser-known problem at the time than it is today. 

Gas emissions from automobiles are one of the biggest polluters on the planet.  In fact, the rapid global increase in automobile production starting around 1920 directly correlates with rising global temperatures (Royal Society).  Though other industries are contributing to the problem of global warming, carbon dioxide emissions from the auto industry are one of the biggest.  Warmer temperatures causing sea levels to rise and refugee crises are not the only problems posed by global warming.  Air pollution affects one’s health in other ways, such as breathing.  Some of the fine particles in smog accumulate from CO2 exposure.  The W.H.O. (2018) estimates that air pollution is linked 7 million deaths per year. 

Aside from that, pollution isn’t the only environmental problem caused by automobiles.  The hunt for natural resources to build cars and keep them running has contributed to the harm of many ecosystems, and the people who dwell in them.  Oil spills are a common problem; no body of water is safe from them, including rivers.  Drilling impacts local wildlife, disrupting migration patterns and contributing to extinction events.  Recently, Shell Nigeria was found guilty of the pollution of Niger River delta communities for decades (B.B.C.).  Wars that are waged for oil also shatter communities, and the U.S. may not be immune from that.  Accusations of staging wars over oil, such as the 2003 Iraq invasion, are worth mentioning.  But generally, wars like these are waged for other stated purposes, despite the victors benefitting from the resources gained.  A time in history where it was explicitly stated was Germany’s invasion of Russia in WWII, when petroleum supplies were in high demand to keep the war machine going. 

I don’t mean to sound like a luddite by pointing out these negative things about automobiles.  Social interaction is probably the greatest contribution they have made to society, as people can travel to events faster and visit relatives who live far away, allowing for larger congregations than in times before the Motor Age.  This generally applies across all classes in the U.S., though there are many in the country who cannot afford an automobile, and an even higher percentage outside the U.S.  Most of the people in the U.S. have the luxury of being able to carpool, so it isn’t as much of a disadvantage as it is for people living in developing nations, where there can be whole communities without a single vehicle. 

Do the benefits outweigh the costs?  For oil-based vehicles, I believe they don’t.  Pollution rates are far too great for the planet to sustain the current infrastructure.  However, with the increased production of hybrid and electric vehicles, I believe we are moving to a place where the benefits can outweigh the costs.  Oil-based vehicles will likely be seen as primitive models of more efficient, environmentally friendly ones in the future.  All that is needed is better infrastructure to help reduce costs, which many governments are implementing, but it does not seem like they are moving fast enough.  What worries me most is that we may have already reached a critical mass of air pollution from which the planet cannot recover.  The technology introduced by the Motor Age would play an enormous role if that were to occur. 

 

References: 

Norton, Peter D.  2008.  Fighting Traffic: The Dawn of the Motor Age in the American City.  Cambridge, Massachusetts.  

C.D.C.  2020.  Retrieved from  

B.B.C.  2021.  Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-55853024 

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